GENDER BALANCE IN LAGOS HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY, 1999-2015

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✎: GENDER BALANCE IN LAGOS HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY, 1999-2015

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Keywords: GENDER BALANCE IN LAGOS HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY, 1999-2015

 

RESEARCH BODY

TABLE OF CONTENT        

CHAPTER ONE

1.0     INTRODUCTION

1.1     BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

1.2     STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

1.3     OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

1.4     RESEARCH QUESTIONS

1.5     SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

1.6     RESEARCH HYPOTHESES

1.7     SCOPE OF THE STUDY

1.8     LIMITATION OF THE STUDY

1.9     DEFINITION OF TERMS

CHAPTER TWO

2.0     LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1     CONCEPTUAL CLARIFICATION

2.2     THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

2.3     EMPIRICAL REVIEW

2.4     SUMMARY OF LITERATURE REVIEW

CHAPTER THREE

3.0     RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1     INTRODUCTINTRODUCTION

3.2     RESESEARCH DESIGN

3.3     STUDY POPULATION

3.4     SAMPLE AND SAMPLING TECHNIQUE

3.5     DATA FOR THE STUDY: INSTRUMENTATION

3.6     METHOD OF DATA ANALYSIS

CHAPTER FOUR

4.0     DATA PRESENTPRESENTATATION AND ANALYSIS

4.1     INTRODUCTION

4.2     DATA ANALYSIS

CHAPTER FIVE

5.0     SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION

5.1     SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

5.2     CONCLUSION

5.3     RECOMMENDATION

REFRENCE

APPENDIX

ABSTRACT

This study examined gender balance in Lagos House of Assembly between 1999-2015. A total of 150 respondents were used for the research from various locations in Lagos state. Questionnaire containing 17 questions was distributed to them to fill.

It was observed from the data gathered that there is no gender balance in Lagos state House of Assembly and that political ignorance, inferiority complex and fear of insecurity from the women is a cause of gender imbalance in Lagos state House of Assembly. It was also observed that there is a significant effect of gender imbalance in Lagos state House of Assembly.

The study concludes that women in Lagos state are interested in politics and the factors deterring this achievement can be jointly tackled by both the male folk and women folk to achieve this aspiration.

The study recommends that more of the women folk should be interested and participate with great tenacity in politics, even though there are challenges and setbacks. Also, the male folk should also give maximum chance, room and support to the women once they show interest in politics. Gender balance can be achieved in Lagos House of Assembly even though it has not been achieved since 1999 till 2015 government only through maximum co-operation from both the male folk and women folk. 

For subsequent governments of the Lagos state House of Assembly, the women folk should be prepared in all ramifications to participate in politics and the men as well should complement their political efforts and ambitions with maximum support and chance to take up political positions.

CHAPTER ONE

1.1            BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

On a normal note, both men and women should be given the same rights and opportunities to everything across the world, most especially to engage in all phases and levels of political processes. Worldwide, women are made up of over half of the world’s population and contribute in important ways to societal development generally. Majorly in most societies, women take major roles, which are: mother, home-manager, producer, community organizer, socio-cultural and political activists. Of these many roles mentioned, the last has been engendered by women movement (Oloyede, 2015).

Following global trend, Nigerian women are made up of nearly half of the population of the country. In spite of the roles played with the population, women are still not given recognition. This is due to some cultural stereotypes, abuse of religion, traditional practices and patriarchal societal structures (Oloyede, 2015). The awareness about the role of women in building a nation, in Nigeria came up in the 1980s. In 1995, the international conference on women at Beijing facilitated the effective involvement of women in Nigerian politics.

About 51 percent of women in Nigeria participate in voting during elections. With all these, women are still not actively participating in elective and appointive positions. According to Agbalajobi, (2010), statistics showed that overall political representation in government of Nigeria is less than 7 percent. This reveals that Nigeria has not achieved 30 percent affirmative as prescribed by the Beijing Platform of Action.

However, much efforts have been channeled by government and non-governmental organizations to increase the level of involvement of women in politics, in accordance with the declaration made at the fourth World Conference on women in Beijing, which encouraged 30% affirmative action. However, in Nigeria, the existing National Gender Policy (NGP) suggested 35% positive action instead and sought for a more inclusive representation of women with at least 35% of both elective political and appointive public service positions respectively (Oloyede, 2015). The less participation of women in politics became entrenched because of patriarchal practice inherent in our society, much of which were obvious from pre-colonial era till date. However, the re-introduction of democracy has brought about an increase in women involvement in the political in both elective and appointive offices in Nigeria. The re-introduction of democracy in May 29, 1999 inspired a new dawn in the willingness for an active involvement of women in Nigeria politics. Democracy is the government of the people by the people and for the people. It requires appropriate representation of all the participating groups in the society and the low representation of women is against the principle of democracy. In spite of all efforts, Nigeria has not met the 30% and 35% standard as proposed in Beijing platform for action and National Gender Policy respectively. There have been five administrations between 1999 and 2015. President Obasanjo was the president of the nation between 1999 and 2007, President Umaru Musa Yaradua was the president between 2007 and 2010, and President Goodluck Jonathan maintained the presidency from 2010 to 2011; and also 2011 to 2015 while President Muhammadu Buhari is the current president of the country. The position of vice president in Nigeria has always followed the same pattern as that of the president. Since the return of democracy in 1999, four males have occupied this position.

Oloyede (2015) was of the opinion that since the re-introduction of democracy to Nigeria in 1999, the positions in the Senate has been dominated by males. In 1999 only 2.8% of the total members in the senate were women; there were 3 women out of the total 109 members in the senate. The number of women in the senate in 2007 rose to 8 (7.3 per cent). However, the number of women in the senate decrease to  which there was a decrease from 8 in 2007 to 7 women in 2011 which is 6.4 per cent and rose back to 8 women in 2015.

The total number of women in the House of representative in 1999 was12 out of 360 members. This figure shows that the number of women in the house was about 3.3 per cent which later increased to 21 (5.8 per cent) in 2003. In 2011, the figure was 26 (7.2 per cent). The number of women in the House of representative decrease to 19 (5.3 per cent) out of 360 members in 2015. It is against this fluctuating figure of women participating in politics that this study critically review the gender balance in Lagos state house of assembly between 1999 and 2015).

1.2            STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Despite widespread democratization in most countries and the struggle by the feminist groups in order to ensure gender balancing in the national politics of nations all over the world. However, women who form about 50% of Nigeria population still remain systematically isolated from politics and decision making process in the country (Agbalajobi, 2010 & Arowolo & Aluko, 2010). The phenomenon of low women involvement in Nigeria politics became worrisome after the re-introduction of democracy in 1999. In the bid to address this phenomenon of low women participation in politics, Nigerian Government approved some national and international forums such as the Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in 1989. Also, it adopted a National Policy on Women in 2000 (replaced by a National Policy on Gender Equality in 2007 and Platform for Action, the National Committee on Affirmative Action, the Additional Protocol to The African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa 2003, The African Union Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality 2004, The National Gender Policy 2006, etcetera (Akiyode-Afolabi & Arogundade, 2003; Ajayi, 2007). After five successive democratic change of government (1999, 2003, 2007, 2011 and 2015) however, gender inequalities, discriminations and stereotypes remained in all spheres of the Nigerian political entity, not leaving out the Lagos state House of Assembly, preventing women from developing and exercising their full human competences and to play an influential role in justifiable consensus. The aim of democratic consolidation in Nigeria cannot be achieved if the womenfolk who constitute about half of the national population continue to be relegated (Oni and Joshua, 2012).

It is against this setting that it has become important to observe the prompting nature of gender balance in Lagos house of assembly between 1999 and 2015.

1.3     RESEARCH QUESTION

The following research questions will help in guiding this study:

1.     To what extent has there been gender balance in Lagos state house of assembly since 1999-2015?

2.     Why has the male folks dominated the Lagos state house of assembly more than the female folks since 1999 to 2015?

Keywords: GENDER BALANCE IN LAGOS HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY, 1999-2015

 


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Keywords: GENDER BALANCE IN LAGOS HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY, 1999-2015

 


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